
Glass. 
Book. 






p 



i 

PROCEEDINGS 

AND 

.m^drjEss of the convention 

OF 

DELEGATES, 

TO THE 

PEOPLE OF NEW-JERSEY. 



PROCEEDINGS of a Convention of Dele^ 

gates of the People of New-Jersey, chosen in the 
several Counties of said State, and held by public 
appointment at the City of Trenton, on the 4th 
day of July, 1812. 

The Delegates being assembled at lo o'clock, proceeded to thr 
nomination and choice of a Chairman and Secretary, and did unani 
rnously appoint Jonathan Elmer, of Cumberland, Chairman, and 
John Cutwater, of Bergen, 5^riv/ar;y. * 

;nc?? T°''°"^ ^'^-''^* '^^'* *^^ ""'"^^ °f '^^ Delegates present be 
inserted on the mmutes as follows:— ^ 



BERGEN COUNTY. 

John Cutwater, 
Jacob Terheun. 

ESSEX. 
Aaron Cgden, 
Jeremiah Ballard, 
Elias B. Dayton. 

MIDDLESEX. 
James Schureman, 
ErKuries Beatty, 
Thomas Mc Dowel], 
John Poole. 

SOMERSET. 
Richard Stockton, 
John D. W. Tenbrook, 
Elbert StootofF, 
Gilbert B. Taylor, 
John WyckofT. 

MORRIS. 
John Kinney, 
John G. Cooper. 

MONMOUTH. 
Elias Conover, 
Thomas Henderson, '^ 
Tames H. Imlay, 
David Craig, 
John Stillwell, 
William Lloyd, 
William Lawrie, 
James Lloyd. 

HUNTERDON. 
Aaron D. Woodruff, 
William Potts, 
Charles Ewing, 
John Scudder, 
John CorvelL 



William S. Moore, 
Joseph Phillips, 
John Stevens, 
James Stevenson, 
William Maxwell, 
John E. Forman, 
John Carpenter, 
Ira Jewell, 
James White. 

^ BURLINGTON 
John Black, 
William Griflith, 
William Coxc, 
' George Anderson, 
William Irick, 
Charles Ellis, 
Richard Cox, 
Samuel J. Read, 
Edward French, 
William Pearson, 
Joseph Bolron. 

GLOUCESTER, 
Franklin Davenport, 
Joshua L. Howell, 
Charles French, 
Samuel W. Harrison, 
Samuel L. Howell, 
Samuel P. Paul, 
Joseph V. Clark, 
John Pissant, 
James Batten, 
Daniel Carrell. 

SALEM. 
Thomas Sinnickson, 
Robert G. Johnson. 



C 3 ] 

CUMBERLAND. 

Jonathan Elmer, Samuel M. Shiite, 

James Giles, William B. Ewing, 

Jeremiah Buck, Jonathan Dollas. 

Joel Fithian, 

On motion, it was Resolvedy That this Convention will proceed to 
consider the alarming state of public affairs — and particularly on the 
means to be used for constitutionally and speedily relieving the coun- 
try from the grievances of War. 

Whereupon, after full debate on the principles and measures proper 
to be adopted at this time, for the foregoing purposes, it was, on motion. 

Ordered^ That a Committee be appointed of eleven members, (each 
county delegation naming one) to draft an Address to the People of 
New- Jersey, in conformity to the instru£lions of this Convention, and 
that they report thereon at five o'clock in the afternoon. 

Whereupon, the following delegates were chosen for said Com- 
mittee : — 

For Bergen^ Morris, 

John Cutwater. John G. Cooper. 

Essexy Burlington^ 

Aaron Ogden. William Griffith. 

Middlesex, Gloucestery 

James Schureman. Samuel W. Harrison. 

Somerset, Salem, 

Richard Stockton. Thomas Sinnickson, 

Monmouth, Cumberland, 

Thomas Henderson, William B. Ewing. 

Hunterdon, 
Aaron D. Woodruff, 

The Convention adjourned to meet again at c; o'clock in the after-. 
noon ; and being assembled at said hour, present as before, the Com- 
mittee, by Thomas Henderson, their Chairman, made report 
to the Convention of the draft of an Address to the People of New- 
Jersey, as had been ordered, which, being read, debated, and amend- 
ed, on the question whether this Convention doth agree to the same, 
it was unanimously determined in the aftrmative ; and it was further 
resolved, that the same be signed by the Chairman and Secretary, on 
behalf of this Convention, that it be published in the papers of this 
State, and in one of the papers of the cities of Philadelphia and 
New-York, and that three thousand copies thereof be printed in a 
pamphlet form, and distributed among the several counties of this 
State, in such manner as may be deemed expedient by Messrs. Charles 
Ewing, Garret D. Wall and William Potts, who are appomted a 
Committee for that purpose. - 

The Convention, after full consideration, did come to the following 



[ 4] 

first.-^As the attainment of PeacSf by a change of Men now 
in the administration, or some of them, is of such vast moment to the 
People of New- Jersey, this Convention, on that account doth recom- 
mend to the Friends of Peace in each county to convene at some suit- 
able time and place, and appoint two Delegates to meet other Dele- 
gates on Tuesday the iith day of j^iigiist next at 2 o'clock in the 
afternoon, at Tretiton^ for the purpose of agreeing on fit persons to be 
nominated as EleSlors of President and Vice-President, and as mem- 
bers of Congress for this State, to be chosen at the ensuing fall elec- 
tion ; and it is further recommended to the several counties, as well 
in the appointment of the above Delegates as in the nomination of 
members of Council and Assembly for the State Legislature, that 
they endeavour to seleft persons who will use all constitutional 
means to obtain a Repeal of the IVar Bill, passed in Congress on the 
eighteenth of June, and who will promote the settlement of any 
differences with Great-Britain on honorable terms, bj NcgoclaiioH — 
and oppose all alliance with France. 

Secondly. — And it is further agreed upon and resolved, by this 
Convention, that a Committee cf Correspondence be appointed to 
communicate with like Committees who may be appointed in other 
States, for the purpose of agreeing on candidates for the offices of 
President and Vice-President, and all other matters which may be 
of importance to the Peace, Union and Liberties of the United 
States : which Committee was accordingly appointe4. 

The Address of this Convention as above agreed to is diredled 
to be inserted on the minutes, and is as follows : 

TSEE NEXT PAGt: 



ADDRESS 



OF THE 



€ONYENTI 



TO THE 



PEOPLE OF .YEW\TERSFA\ 



FELLOW-CmZENS, 

A CRISIS has at length arrived in 
the Admi7iktration of the public affairs of this country, in 
which every one of us has a deep and solemn concern. It is 
not our purpose to review the various afts and proceedings 
of those to whom the People for twelve years past have en- 
trusted the management of these affairs ! Unhappily they 
seem to have left us little to refiedl upon but our divisions 
and misfortunes. Most unequivocally, however, do we de- 
clare our confidence in the great body of citizens, whatever 
may have been our distrust or dissatisfadion in regard to 
many 7nen in office, and the measures they have pursued. 

We believe the People, to whatever set of men or mea- 
sures they have attached their confidence and support, could 
only mean, and did mean, the good, the peace, and prosperi- 
ty of a country, rendered dear to them by so many privi- 
ledges and blessings. It is to this People, so enlightened, 
so independent and patriotic, (and may we trust, so candid 
as to confide in our sincerity) that we now address ourselves. 

On the 1 8th of June, a small majority in Congress did 
by a LAW declare WAR on the part of the United States, 
against the United Kingdom of Great-Britain and Ireland and 
its dependencies. 

This aci, so unexpected, so opposed to the petitions and 
remonstrances of every class and part of the comnuuiity — so 
steadfastly and honorably resisted by a great majority of the 



[6] 

delegates in Congress from this State, and by those of many 
other States, could not be prevented. It was, after many days 
struggle, in secret sittings, carried through and has become a 
Law. * 

Ihis Convention is composed of men, who would ill de- 
serve the confidence of their fellow-citizens, and dishonor 
their own principles, were they to attempt to obstrud: or de- 
feat this law, by any irregular opposition — by violence, by 
menace, or il egal combinations. It must be for those who 
want a good cause, and distrust the force of reason, to support 
it, to adopt means so unworthy of freemen and good citi- 
zens. Some of us have contributed early and ardently, in 
contending for and laying the foundations of civil liberty, and 
all of us are too deeply impressed with the duties of submis- 
sion to constitutional laws (zvbi/e they are in force) to be 
capable of condudl or advice, tending to prevent their execu- 
tion, by the agency of popular passions — however such laws 
miay, during their continuance, distress the people or coun- 
terad their best and most important interests. But while we 
feel the obligation of our duties under a taw which is deemed 
most impoHtic and oppressive, we also know the extent of 
our rights and those of the people, enabling us and them to 
bring about its repeal, by our Elections. 

We address you then, tellow-citizens, at this awful crisis, 
produced by the ivar lazu, in the language of freemen and 
free agents — in the consciousness of pure motives, and pene- 
trated by the profoundest feelings of patriotic regard for our 
dear country. Ou.' hearts and minds are filled with this one^ 
subject, and the prospect it opens (if the voice of the people 
does not save us) of lengthened, public miseries. • We will 
not mingle in its consideration other grievances, or any mat- 
ter calculated to embitter or revive party differences on other 
questions — all are lost, consummated, united, in the last great 
grievance of WAR. 

Little did we, individually, or those who have confided 
this high trust to us in our charader of Delegates of the Peo- 
ple, imagine, that a majority, however srjiall, of the persons 
in office, could be brought to plunge this country into a War, 
and to unite, as probably it must, our destinies, and certain- 
ly our efforts, in a common cause with the tyrant of France. 

By some fat .lity, incomprehensible to us, on any princi- 
ples of prudence, and much less of necessity, has this hap- 
pened. A law, debated and passed In secret^ has placed this 



in 

extensive country and all its great interests of peace— com- 
merce — agriculture — union — and future prosperity, on the fate 
of War. 

Defence^ within our own borders, and even arming our 
vessels for defence, on the seas, against both French and 
English aggression, was a practicable and not a hazardous 
expedient. But without preparation, and without trial of the 
means of defence, dissension in Our country, and general oppo- 
sition to war, to become the attacking power, and to declare 
open, general and offensive War, against one of the great 
contending states of Europe — we repeat it fellow-citizens, is 
an event in the history, even of these times, which fills us, 
and we believe the great body of the people, with grief and 
amazement. 

We were not invaded — no power even threatened it ; we 
still enjoyed a tenfold greater portion of internal and even 
external happiness and prosperity than any nation in the 
world. Our agriculture, commerce and manufadures , the great 
produfts of our fields, forests and fisheries, growing out of 
the industry and enterprize of seven millions of free and 
virtuous citizens, were yet but little impaired, except by our 
own internal restriftions, which could at nny time be sus- 
pended or removed. 

In regard even to trade and navigation on the Ocean, an 
immense and sufficient scope remained for all our ships, sea- 
men and capital, tree from belligerent and temporary restraints. 
The British orders in council (made the principal ground of 
the war) only put France, Holland, and a part of Italy, in a 
state of blockade, preventing our merchant ships going there. 
The whole world beside, was, in regard to any conduct of 
the British, as free to us as before. China, the East and 
West Indies, South America, Great-Britain and her depen- 
dencies, and all the States and Kingdoms in Europe ; none 
of all this vast portion of the world was aflfeded or shut 
against us by the British orders in council ; nine tenths, at 
least, of all our trade, was free. France only, and her de- 
pendencies of Holland and part of Italy were blockaded^ 
with whom, if no blockade of their ports existed, our trade 
could be worth very little, subjeCt as it was to every species 
of vexation, loss, plunder and prohibitory duties. 

Our own coasting trade of 1500 miles in extent, serving 
to employ and to support so many of our fellow-citizens, and 
^o transport with ease and economy the surplus prcdui^ior?^ 



[8] 

of labour fioni one sLate to the other by sea, affording a real 
profit to the community equal to the whole of our foreign 
trade — all this too remained to us unaffected by belligerent 
edi£ls. 

Our revenue from commerce, also was very great, equal, 
annually, to the payment of every expense of the navy, 
army, civil list, and other demands of government, beside 
discharging, each year, a portion of the old debt of the revo- 
lution. The average of this revenue, not less than twelve 
millions of dollars, annually, relieving the people from any 
direct taxes payable to the United States. In these favoured 
circumstances of agriculture, foreign navigation, coasting 
trade and revenue, was ivar declared, and it necessarily 
shakes them to the foundation. 

In regard to our political, moral, civil and religious bles- 
sings and advantages, they were surely great and many. 
Peace itself, and Neutrality, at a time when all the Europe- 
an world is convulsed and tending by wars and famine, to 
dissolution and the tyranny of one man, were to- us, who al- 
most solely enjoyed them, inestimable blessings. How innu- 
merable and vast they were, your own feelings, enjoyments^ 
and reflexions, fellow-citizens, can better determine than we 
describe. In great mercy also, we were removed 3000 miles 
from those scenes of violence and devastation — we had taken 
no part in them. Our pure and free and progressing coun- 
try, had kept itself from the dangerous and deadly grasp of 
French connection. This was our fear and our danger. 

This war, if it is to be continued, deprives us of neutrality 
and peace — It makes this wide ocean no longer a barrier be- 
tween America and the ambition and ruthless vengeance, 
which are scourging Europe — destroying republics — liberty 
and human happiness. We are brought, by it to touch the 
confines of a land steeped with blood, oppression and crimes. 
In a word, it brings to the people of these states, with all 
the rest of its aftual and prospective evils, a co-operation in 
the war, if not a general alliance, with France against Eng- 
land. With what anxious forebodings must every heart be 
torn, that thinks upon a war which not only cuts us off front 
so many positive blessings, but launches this safe and happy 
people into the vortex of European broils — into wars, which 
twenty years of blood and devastation, have but served X» in- 
furiate, extend and perpetuate. 



[» ] 

That our country had received wrongs, both in its hon- 
or and rights, from England, during her long contest with 
France, need not be disputed. What peaceable and neutral 
power has not ; — and which of those injured powers, embark* 
ing in a war or alliance with France, or alone, to vindicate 
those rights, that has not suffered injuries ten fold greater ? 
Most of them indeed losing their very liberties and inde^ 
pendence in attempting to establish minor pretensions and 
vindicate v^hat was called their honor. That Great-Britain 
is wrong in preventing our trade with France, because 
France interdicted our trade with England ; or that her cruis- 
ers on the ocean frequently have impressed American sea- 
men, pretending they were British ;/ubjed:s, or under real 
mistakes of the faft, are wrongs ; — and that of in press- 
ment, a most injurious pradice, and justly calculated to kin- 
dle our lesentments, and to claim from our government ^r«- 
dent and persevering means to prevent or mitigate its severi- 
ty, either by arming merchant ships for defence, or agree- 
ing with England on some plan of avoiding the mistakes or 
violence of her sea officers. Such a plan was indeed agreed 
to by England and approved of by our Ambassadors Pink-^ 
ney and Monroe, but rejefted by the American Cabinet. 

Fellow-Citizens, wrongs to our country will never be vin- 
dicated by us — and even these, so much insisted upon, can- 
not be reviewed by us with feelings less acute to their real 
importance, than by others. Washington, Jefferson and 
Adams, during tv/enty years of administration, never con- 
sidered the pretension, or pradice of impressment, though 
more rigorously enforced then, as sufficiently justifying them 
to go to war. And now, that our administration, in the pres- 
ent state of the world, and circumstanced as it is, unprcpar-^ 
ed, and with divided councils, should by a bare majority de- 
clare general and offensive war, by land and sea, on such 
points not vitally afie£ting us in our national pros*perity— in- 
stead of waiting for time, mutual interests and negociation to 
settle them (many of which must end of themselves with the 
war in Europe) — is an event which seems to almost defy be- 
lief. The people — refleding citizens are struck with amaze- 
ment and disapprobation, looking round for means of relief 
from the threatened evils of a protrafted, hazardous, and un- 
timely war, A war declared againft England too in the 
midft of Negociations and whilfl her miniftry and Parliament 
were adually deliberating on the very point of repealing the 



t 10 1 

It is then, counti-ymen and friends, to this great, unlooketi 
for and portentous question of WAR, we claim your solemn and 
candid attention. We have reflected upon it. — Our imagi- 
nations have carried us over its long and desolating track ; 
desolate and long, even beyond imagination, will it prove ;— if 
we do not cut it short, before its corruptions, its passions and 
violence, shall have fixed it upon our land beyond remedy 
or controul. It is in its beginnings we must make our law* 
ful stand ; before it spreads and strikes deep its roots. If 
long permitted to flourish over peace and social habits, all 
history proves that war becomes the predo7ninant passion, 
and civil liberty too often yields up its blessings, to the lust of 
military ambition, pride and oppression. 

We perceive this measure of the administration, big with 
unutterable mischiefs.— If PERSISTED in, when will it end ? 
What is it to gain for us ? Are we sure, or is there even a 
shadow of possibility, that we shall conquer England— com- 
pelling her by force of arms, to yield what she maintains to 
be her right, and refuses absolutely to relinquish in any oth- 
er way than by agreement and mutual concessions ? If war 
is resorted to, and while the war law continues, no further 
room is left for treaty ; we mwst force our demands, and suc- 
ceed in them by the sword — by bringing our enemy to sub- 
mission. 

And shall we, fellow-citizens, at this time, and in our cir- 
cumstances, on account of these disputable points of trade 
with France and abuse of impressipent, incur so many imme- 
diate losses and subjea ourselves to so many certain future 
evils as this war must produce ? You have seen what this im- 
mediate and certain loss will be in our agriculture^ foreign 
and coasting trade, revenue, and internal blessings oi peace and 
neutrality ; losses, any one of them a hundred fold more to 
our injury than all that has accrued or can accrue from the 
occasional injuries we complain of at sea. If we go to war 
for commerce and seamen, is it not evident that we sacri- 
fice them both and entirely ? But what we must lose and suffer 
in the outset, great as it is, sinks into nothing compared with 
what 'Will follow. Surely these dreadful consequences have 
escaped the notice of the advocates of war in their full extent — 
or they have preferred to encounter them rather than forego 
their resentments and retracl from im]irudent resolutions. 
How unfortunate when men prefer the honor of persevering 
in errpr, to the honor of retraining it 5 and when their coua- 



[ 11] 

fry too IS at stake. Beside the decay of agriculture, com. 
merce and revenue, war will vitiate the morals of our peo» 
people, particularly the rising generation. Is it nothing to 
bring on a general decline of virtue, order and regard for 
life, property, and private rights ? Will not war necessarily 
produce this,' with a decline also of industry and the evils of 
a wide spreading insolvency ? Perhaps even all these might 
by some, be viewed without alarm ; but what will the people 
say to, or how endure for a great length of time, other ne- 
cessary concomitants of a state of war ? In a contest, such as 
we must go through, with such a power, to force it into sub- 
mission, STANDING ARMIE5, the bane and destroyers of 
liberty in every country, must be introduced, continued and 
swelled to a dangerous magnitude. No matter what we 
call them, volunteers, seleft corps, &c. if they are «<?/ mili- 
tia, under our own state officers and government, they are 
standing troops in the pay and under the direction of military 
chiefs, who may become ambitious, insolent, and over whom 
we can have Httk controul. In the train of war also follows, 
wastefulness and insatiable demands upon the peoples labor and 
substance, to support its never ceasing and growing expenses. 
Great armies must be raised, cloathed, equipped and paid— 
and this, year after year, in addition to the ordinary expenfe 
of government and the support of the militia establishment. 
It is computed the additional war expense will not be 
short of 1 2 millions annually \ how many years of war is un- 
certain. The burthens on every man in the country will 
increafe four fold under war taxes, levied on his land and 
occupation, whilft his capacity to pay is diminifhed in the 
fame proportion by the privations of war, Thofe fo eager 
to make, or encourage the war, will fliare feweft of its dan- 
gers or burthens ; they will fall on theCe eaftern dates, on 
their capital, induftry and citizens. Is it poffible for the re- 
flecting citizen to look even on this confequence alone, and 
its magnitude, we mean taxes, perfonal fervices and lofs of 
bufmefs, and not shudder with apprehension. Public credit^ 
or a capacity to borrow, will, in all likelihood, enfue, particu- 
larly if the war is unfuccefsful ; and paper msney follow : we 
believe this muft be resorted to. — The old debt will remain 
unpaid, and a new one of vaft extent be incurred. And is 
it nothing — or is it the most awful of all, that torrents oi blood 
muft flow and private distreifes of all kinds be muhiplied in 
•this unnatural aijd difaftrous gonteft.— Where tgo are Qur 



C 12 3 

experienced captains, and what Washington is left to inspire 
and condud us ? 

We enquire alfo, when all our preparations shaU be com- 
plete, if they ever can be, what are we to gain by v/ar in * 
any degree adequate to the evils it brings upon ourfelves ? 
Where shall we strike for the redrefs we seek on account of 
the orders in council and impreiTment ? The British navy is 
out of our reach, and superior to our own. Her armies do 
not invade us, no triumph over them can then, probably, be 
obtained. Her poffeiTions in the north might poffibly be 
overrun at an immense sacrifice of blood and treafure ; But 
do we want extenfion of territory ? Are they worth the cofl ? 
And will we confent to garrifon and maintain large armies in 
those regions of cold and barrenness, to secure them during 
the war ? and can we hope at the end of it that they will be 
relinquifhed to us by England? Will privateering and patri- 
otic volunteers, and even our courage avail us, when there is 
no point to which we can effeclually diredl our attack ? — Is 
it not evident, fellow-citizens, that after all thefe immenfe 
preparations and expenditures, and^ which year after year 
mull be repeated, that we lliall be put on our defence ; and in- 
flead of attack and injury to our enemy, and satisfaction ob- 
tained for wrongs, our armies, and all our efforts be exhaufl- 
ed in barely protecting our territory from sudden irruptions, 
and securing our cities and towns from deftruftion ? Will 
this be fatisfidion for wrongs, or obtain our rights ? — On 
the other hand, will our enemy be idle, or is fhe incapable of 
doing us harm ? and efpecially if our troops arc marched to 
Canada. We having declared and commenced war upon 
her, is it not to be prefumed that all her powers of injuring 
us, will be exerted? Do we not expeft it, and can we-juftly 
complain if war with all its horrors is retaliated upon us — 
seeing we openly wage, it by a public law ? We fliould be- 
tray our duty and be unworthy ©f confidence, were we to 
fuffer our feelings and our refentments to blind us to thefe con- 
fiderations — a p' lent nation, not wafteful of its own blood 
and heedlefs of confequences, will weigh their means and their 
dangers. They who decide on war and rafhly plunge into the 
gulph it opens upon their country, without counting its coft, 
its length, its uncertainty and inevitable miferies, we may ref- 
pect their motives and their fpirit, but it is our bounden duty 
to warn our countrymen againll suc/j counfellors — if warning 
in fp plain a cafe is requifue. It is wrong to inflame our 



C 13 ] 

minds to vengeance and rufh into greater evils, even in a jull 
quarrel for particular offences, where our country is the (lake, 
and there is danger, nay almofl: a certainty, that our lofs will be 
infinitely greater than our gain. We are inftigated, however, 
to fight for honour — to venture fo many bleiTmgs, adually pof- 
felTed, and to undergo fo many certain diftrefles, in order to 
evince our courage. But, fellow-citizens, who doubts the cour- 
age of Americans ? The world will witnefs for them that it 
is ngt fear, but prudence, and a love of country that r^- 
flrains them from ivar — in the purfuit of which fo many na- 
tions have loft their liberties, after glorious ftrugg^es in their 
juft eftablifhment. Do not, therefore, let us be hurvied into 
it, for what mankind call honour ! Let us rather think of the 
honor of fecuring Peace and Union ; let us prefer the honor 
which difcretion and humanity dictate — that of saving and pre- 
ferving the blood and treafure, and virtue, and relip;ion, and 
hapi'inefs, of our dear C' mntry. Let it be our honor to prevent 
the introdudion of ftanding armies — the increafe of taxes and 
public debt — the diftreifes of private life — fathers, fons, and 
brethren — our friends and fellow citizens — our patriots, torn 
from their homes — bleeding year after year, in this perhaps 
hopelefs conteft about orders in council and impreflment :— - 
And what muft embitter all, dying on the fide of the tyrant of 
France and Deftroyer of Republics. And who (hail fay that 
ours will not fall by the fame hand which has laid every other 
low, when by our aid he has accomplifhed his defigns on t.ng- 
land. Has he not thus weakened and ruined every People 
who have joined in his wars or trufted to his promifes ? 

We ceafe, fellow-citizens, to reflect on thefe direful but cer- 
tain cofisequences, of a protraded WAR. Your own cool re- 
flexions will go far beyond the reach of thefe remarks to open 
to you its certain miferies — its doubtful iffue, and multiplied 
horrors. Thofe of us, and of you, who h;.!ve witneffed its 
fcenes of diftrefs, in the revolution which is pad, can want no, 
diifuafives. We addrefs ourfelves more efpecially to thofe 
who may be ftrangers as yet to the calamities of war. In the 
fincerity of our hearts, (and what but motives of love to our 
country can influence us) we intreat our fellow-citizens, if any 
of them could lend their ear to this war, to PAUSE, before 
they give it their APPROBATION, or, by ftimulating it for- 
ward, make too wide the breach to be healed. 

Those of our rulers who imprudently have pledged theni- 
felves, (lep by ftep, to war — those who confult their paflions, or 



C 14 ] 

profit from commiflions, army employments and public office^ 
: — men in the fouthern and weftern ftates who will fuffer little ; 
all indeed, who will thrive and grow great upon its length and 
devaftations — nay, even many fincere friends of their covmtry, 
may unthinkingly, or rafhly advise you to War, But in a mat- 
ter of this importance, let each Citizen calmly judge for him- 
self. Let the p udent, the impartial and difmterefted — the 
Great Body of FARMERS, MECHANICS, LAB^ RERS, 
MERc'H ANTS, and every clafs and defcription of induftrious 
and GOOD CI 1 IZl^.NS, ask themselves^ whether //:?£jand their 
families, expe£l that a lone and deadly warfare, for fuch caufes 
as have been mentioned, will be better than continued Peace, 
Commerce, Agriculture, Security and Union, among ourfelves ? 

Is it not evidently better to regain Peace, and all its certain 
advantages, than to proceed in the dangerous path of War ? 
Surely we may anticipate that a People, fo enlightened and 
thoughtful of confequences, will not decide to carry on this 
war, fo declared, longer than the time neceflary to procure its 
conjiitutlonal REPEAL. We trufl that nwfl of our citizens 
will fee the p licy and the benefits of Neutrality, and of going 
back to the PTound of Nezociation. 

Do our Fe low-C itizens enquire then, how they are to pre- 
vent the calamities of War, and how they fliall regain the bleff- 
ings oi Peac:? We answer — that with yourselves rests the 
cLwice of either. Lhe aft declaring war is but a law — with no 
force or permanence beyond any other law carried through by 
a majority in Congrefs. It differs only in its importance and 
in the dreadful confequences to fociety, if ralhly declared by 
rulers, and blindly continued by the people. Being a laiv, 
however, it is our bounden duty to obey it — to yield our per- 
fonal fervice under it when not legally exempted, or pay the 
requifitions made on property, when rightfully demanded ; 
and all this while it continues in force. But as on every other 
aa of the public fervants, it is the right of thofe who appoint 
them, to determine on its fitnefs to promote their good, the 
people -re not bound to approve this or any other law j nor is 
it their duty to enrage the public paflions — exciting them to 
violence and denunciations ; inveighing, with thoughtlefs 
bitternefs againfl thofe citizens who fmcerely and conftitution- 
ally exercife the rights of freemen, in endeavors to rejiore 
fpeedy peace to the country. 

We have heard and examined all the reafons and pretexts, 
for this War* Our judgments — all the ties by which we feel 



[ 15 3 

bound to the land of our nativity, conftrain us to DECIDE fo» 
PEACL, and to invite all our fellow-citizens to join with u's in 
its fpeedy attainment. Do you alk us again how you are noil? 
to obtain Peace and its BleJJings fuice war is begun. We anf- 
wer by FREEDOM of SPEECH— FREEDOM of the PRESS 
and by your Rights /SUFFRAGE. 

It is the high prerogative of the People — it is the diftinguifh- 
ing excellence of their happy conftitutions, when, from error,^ 
or (inifter councils, grievous and ill-judged laws are pafled by 
perfons in office under them, contrary to their intereft and 
wifhes ; it is, we fay, the right and Great Duty of the People, 
to obtain a REPEAL of fuch obnoxious laws through the 
agency of other reprefentatives. How many of fuch laws pafT- 
ed by even large majorities, has the Voice of the People condem- 
ned and their nezu reprefentatives abolifhed. Errors^ grievous 
errors, are fallen into by governments, as well as individuals I 

Our path, then, fellow-citizens, is a familiar one ; it is plain, 
lawful and honorable. We muft obtain a Repeal of this law, 
by choofmg Public Reprefentatives both in the Federal and 
State Legiflatures, who, inftead of exciting war will comply 
with the wishes and fulfil the duties they owe to the People, 
by an immediate repeal of the a6l declaring war. 

Our petitions for peace have been reje6led — nay, contemp- 
tuoully treated by many of the adminiftrators of government, 
A majority of our flate reprefentatives in Congrefs, to their 
great honor, but in vain, have recorded their solemn vote againfl 
the war hill. They knew upon whom the weight of it was to 
fall ! — Not upon the chief inftigators of it, but upon their own 
and the eajlernjlates ! It is not to be expeded that the men 
who have made the war, will repeal the law, and thus reftore 
peace. Nay, we are told, ityZ>^// continue until England yields 
to conditions which we may well believe fhe never will yield to — 
efpecially when attempted to be extorted from her hy force of 
arms, 

Those who have commenced the war fay they aim at peace 
alfo, and exped to arrive at it through a long and precarious 
ftruggle, by forcing England to submission. The means we 
propose for peace, is to end this impolitic and hazardous un-- 
dertaking at once, by a change of rulers. — A v try few friend* 
oi peace added to thofe numerous, able and patriotic oppofers 
of war, now in our councils, will effeft a repeal of the war-bill. 

This will place us, by a mere ordinary aft of legislation, 
oii the ground we were ; — ^It will then be for m to stand on 



[ 16 3 

the dc/cfishe, and treat with Great-Britain in the true fpirit of 
peace and mutual concefiion. We need not fear that our 
neiv councils will difhonor or abandon their country — we be- 
iieve new councils can make a fpeedy and honorable adjufl- 
ment, but not while the war bill is in the way. It is the evi- 
dent intereft of England to be on good terms with America ; 
this we repeat, will be eafily effected, when the adminiftration 
is chano-ed, and perfons not committed to thib course of things, 
are chofen ; and when this nozu insuperable bar of war is re- 
moved, by repealing the law which declared it. 

In the mean time, and until this falutary change can be 
effected by our VOTES, we mud indeed fuffer much from 
hoftiliiy, and many loiTes be fuftained : nothing however com- 
pared with thofe a continuance of war will produce. Our 
ELECTIONS are near — they ought and can ensure to us an 
end of thefe fcenes, and of all the calamities which pro- 
traded hoftilities, growing more dreadful as they lengthen, 
will inevitably produce. We intreat you, fellow-citizens, 
then, to decide on PEACE, not through war, but by the 
confiitutional and speedy effeft of your Elections. Choose 
men .to represent you who you know are for Peace, and an 
honourable^ speedy -.md pradicable adjudment of differences with 
Great-Britain. Our happy conltitution, forefeeing and pro- 
viding againft the fatal errors into which even majorities in the 
public councils often fall, puts it in the power of the people, 
to get back to the ground of fafety, by procuring a correc- 
tion of the proceeding, through new reprefentatives. ^ We 
are foon to be called to the choice of Electors of President, 
and Vice-Prefident — members of Congrefs, and ftur own state 
officeis. Never could a call be made upon us more solemn- 
ly to UNllE; not to APPROVE, carry on, and inflame 
this impolitic and lafhly declared ^F^r ; but to w«/V^ in add- 
ing to our public councils faithful advocates of Peace, Com- 
merce and Agriculture ; men who are not pledged by their 
previ -us condud, passions and interefts of office, to perfevere 
in an injurious and uncertain warfare— Men uho will jom 
with thofe now in office and friendly to peace in its reftoration. 
Happv for our country, if a majority is attained m the public 
dcr.ai tments, who may be difpol'ed to repeal the war act, in the 
next Congrefs : our difputes with Great-Britain, which are 
nothing in the fcale againft peace,may then bequickly and hon- 
orably adjuiled, not by the .-.WORD, as is now prefered, but 
thro' th.e aoeucv of mutual interefts and friendly negoeiation. 



C 17] 

It is amazing that a few men, capable of turnin.s: the ma- 
\onty either way, (hould, in fuch a ftate of unpreparednefs, 
with divided councils, a divided country, and agamlt the de- 
clared and folemn remonftrances of the people, have caft their 
vote's on the fide of involving thefe ftates in the horrors, un- 
certainty and burthens of War ! 

In conduaing our meafures to obtain a change ot councils, 
this CONVEiNTION feel it their duty to decbre, they oxi^ht 
to be temperate, well weighed and firm ; it is not a time for 
the true friends of their country to fhrink from their duty. 
This is no queftion of a fmall concern. It mud and should 
call to its aid, the fober thought, the refleding judgment, 
and the steady purposes, of the good aftd independent ekdors 
and citizens of New-Jerfey, no matter of what p.'rty. It is 
their privilegre, and great fecurity, when GRIEV..NCES 
occur, to redrefs them by a CHANGE OF MEN AND 
MEASURES. 

This is the remedy at hand to us, on this trying occafion— 
and like men and brethren let us lay hold of it. 

That a War Party is organized, who will ftlmulate the 
paffions of the people, by appeals to their power and prowefs, 
and by exciting prejudice againft thofe who perceive the nccef- 
fity oi changing our public councils, is already but too evident- 

This Convention is aware uf the frequency and effed of 
thus operating on the public mind : But their confidence refts 
on the final good fenfe and judgment of a wife and difcern- 
ing people. They will look to the men and the principles — to 
the reasons^ which fhould have ?nost weight ; above all, their 
own folid reflexions on the nature, evils and uncertainties of 
a War, will, we truft, lead to a right conclufion, even though 
fome of them may entertain refentments juitly toward Eng- 
land. 

Even those who are for War, and who fliall take fuch 
means to fucceed in continuing it, are yet entitled to the rights 
of free opinions and free fuffrage. On the other hand, this 
Convention feel it due to the great body of their fellow-citi- 
zens, whom they reprefent, and who are oppofed to this war 
—of all parties — to assert and maintain in their behalf, the 
great RIGHTS of a FREE PRESS-^FREE SPEECH and 
OPINIONS-and of FREE SUFFRAGE :-Thefe are the 
bulwarks of liberty : Bad laws and mifguided councils, mea- 
fures mofl fatal to the befl interefts of fociety, would proceed 



[ 18 ] 

and be executed with high handed oppreflion— they could 
never be changed— //" force— terror— and menaces, could law- 
fully be employed to filence complaint, and hide the people's 
interefts and dangers from their view : Every man in fociety 
has a right— it is a duty to himfelf and country, publicly to 
examine the policy and tendencies of any law ; to obey it 
while m force ;— but if he deems it pernicious, to flate every 
objection to it which exifts, and every evil confequence which 
may flow from its continuance^ in order to obtain its repeal, by 
eleding men who will repeal it. Efpecially is it the duty of 
every man, who is convinced that a law declaring ivar, is 
moft impolitic, and will, if continued, ruin, or go far to ru- 
in the country, to lift his voice on the fide of peace and of 
repeal. Should, therefore, any ?nan or set of men, be fo loll 
to decency, and fo inimical to the liberties of fpeech, of the 
prefs, and of fuffrage, as to attempt to overawe the people — 
by menaces, by terror, under the pretexts fo often ufed to 
fcifle truth, that they are traitors, tories, and enemies— becaufe 
they advocate a change of rulers and repeal of a law, which 
they deem the greateil giievance ever brought on them ; of 
fuch men, promoting fuch arbitrary dcdrines by fuch unwor- 
thy means, let us all beware. 1'hey cannot, fellow-citizens, 
be the friends of freedom or their country : — Such conduct 
will receive, as it ought, the condemnation of every indepen- 
dent freeman, be he for War or Peace, 

Let thofe who advocate the contitiuance of the men in pow- 
er and of this law, he heard ;— let them ireely prove the ne- 
ceflity, benefits and blessings to the country, if they can, oi tbe 
war : — On the other hand, thofe who confider that our coun- 
cils fliould be changed, and the war law be repealed, as pro- 
du£live of many and irreparable grievances and confequen- 
ces ; — it is their right and duty to fet forth their reafons, and 
by every lawful and public means promote the wiflied for 
chatjge. If this were not fo, an infatuated or mifguided admin- 
iftration have only to declare War, and it becomes perpetual 
■—no voice muft be heard to procure its repeal. 

Already have many ftates— a great portion of the people 
■— -mofl of our own immediate leprefentatives, and diflin- 
guiflied men in our councils — protefled againft the meafure 
of war as big with danger to our Interefts, Liberty and 
Union : They are now, fmce its palTagc — by addrelTes, 
^by the piefs — by freedom of fpeech a^d opinions 



C 19] 

expofing its mifchiefs and dangers — and preparing the minds 
of their fellr^w-citizens to obtain its repeal, by changing the 
public officers : Are all thefe States, diftinguifhed men and 
citizens, enemies and traitors to the country ? — Thofe who 
fhali inculcate fuch fentiments and principles as thefe, may 
for a ihort time fucceed in heating the paffions of an unthink- 
ing few — but its influence cannot reach, to intimidate or con- 
troul, thtfree electors of thefe flates, from fetting forth the 
grievances of laws, or other meafures, or changing the coun- 
cils which made them — and thus, in the only conflitutional 
way they have, producing their repeal. 

Kellow-citizens, we close this addrefs, with repeating our 
hope and belief— that the only great question with us all, in 
our enfuing Eledions— -will hQ— whether we fhall change our 
councils and repeal the war bill 5 treating further with Eng- 
land on the points of difference, in amicable negociation, be- 
fore the War has become fixed too deep to be removed — Or 
whether we prefer its continuance, with all its certain evils and 
uncertain profpeds, of obtaining the leaft good. 

This is a fair, and lawful, and conflitutional queflion ; it 
is the mofl folemn one ever brought before the people, and 
their VOTES, after hearing and refledling on all the reafons 
for and againft, muft and ought to decide it.— For ourfelves, 
we have carefully avoided every fubjeft and circumftance, 
relative to other queflions or meafures of the adminiftration. 
This law declaring war, flands by itfelf— we think, fmcerely 
and unanimously, that the befl and mofl important interefls of 
the country, demand its speedy repeal, and that to efl'ect this, a 
new administration should be chosen. Our reasons are before 
you and the world— we have prefented them to no particular 
fet of men, or party ; but to ALL. We have laid afide eve- 
ry feeling, but what arifes out of this momentous queflion— 
involving fo^ many dear and permanent interefls. Our lan- 
guage is plain and unreferved, as our rights and duty demand- 
ed in fo great a caufe. Our proceedings are wrapt in no 
secrecy— noY^ are we unknown to our fellow-citizens. What 
we have faid and advifed--is the refult of calm reflexion and 
undoubted convidion. If we have erred we trufl no man can 
charge us with being enemies to our country— bound to it as 
we are, by fo many ties of interefl, affedion and duty. We 
are the open, fmcere advocates, and fhall be, in all our rela,' 



[ 20 ] 

tbns and fituatlons, of a change in our public councils, and a 
ipeedy repeal, by Congrefs, of the act declaring War. 

In this change of councils exifls the common Cafety-Jt 
will prudently arreft the dangerous career into which an ill- 
limed and unneceiTary War is haftening the country— and pre- 
ierve from further deftrudion, more .SUBSTANTIAL BLES- 
SINGS, YET IN OUR POSSESSION, than any other Peo- 
ple now in the World enjoy. 

Signed by order of the Convention, 

JONATHAN ELMER, Chairmatu 

JOHN OUTWATER, Secretary^ 

' Trenton, 4th July, 1812. 



ERATA, 

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